WHEN Zimbabwe became independent in 1980, it
was a relatively thriving economy, despite emerging from a devastating
liberation war and international isolation. After 33 years of self-rule, the
country is now at a crossroads again as general elections loom. Given President
Robert Mugabe’s disastrous record and his old age, failing health and the way
he is out of touch with reality, re-electing him on July 31 amounts to helping
him to fulfil his president-for-life dream while condemning the nation to
renewed implosion.
Besides his personal and maybe family interest,
which includes the ambition to be president for life, the need to secure
immunity to avoid being held to account and protection of his wealth, there is
no public interest or ideological principle behind Mugabe’s latest re-election
bid. Mugabe’s story after Independence is complex yet simple as it can be
digested into a life of power, violence and plunder, dotted with intervening
patches of success and vast swathes of failure. Initially, as prime minister,
Mugabe, who had little knowledge about how to run an economy, kept the ship
steady. This resulted in the continuation of the command economy policies
carried over from the Unilateral Declaration of Independence and the war years.
The commandist policies were designed by reactionaries in Ian Smith’s
right-wing government to ensure survival of a siege economy. Taken over by
Mugabe’s left-wing regime, the policies maintained an economy under siege
from within.
While Mugabe’s socialist agenda helped expand
education, health and other social programmes, the running thread through
wealth redistribution in the first decade was that of affirmative action, the
forerunner to indigenisation racketeering by regulation. Mugabe’s vast social
programmes, funded by scarce public resources, were later to wreak havoc with
the economy until he was forced to adopt the Washington Consensus prescriptions
for crisis-wracked developing countries which entailed macro-economic
stabilisation, liberalisation on trade and investment and a market framework.
Predictably, this failed due to domestic and exogenous factors.
Meanwhile, Mugabe tried to build a one-party
state under an ideological cloak of national unity and anti-imperialism. To
consolidate and maintain his authoritarian project, repressive and fascist
methods were used. He unleashed terror against his former liberation struggle
Zapu comrades, crushed dissenters, stoked the fires of regionalism and
ethnicity, committed and tried to cover up massacres in the mid-south-western regions,
and allowed corruption to spread all well before the late 1990s when his
radical land reform programme finally collapsed the economy already reeling
under the weight of extended periods of mismanagement. Some were initially
fooled by the Mugabe regime’s rhetoric of reconciliation, democracy and
socialism, failing to understand its true character and philosophy. Only after 2000, following land invasions and
fierce political repression, did they begin to comprehend, and even then very
slowly and perhaps not yet fully, the Mugabe regime’s commitment to hold onto
power at all costs.
Prior to that, by 1997, impatience over
government’s failure on land reform and failed economic policies, which
triggered labour unrest and riots, had led to growing discontent. The raiding
of Treasury and huge outlays to pay war veterans, the Congo war and the
currency crash, against a backdrop of underlying structural problems, plunged
Zimbabwe into a wave of uncertainty, instability and eventually crisis. Facing
political demise due to his leadership and policy failures after he was forced
into abortive constitutional reforms in 1999, Mugabe went into survival mode.
There followed land invasions, repression, political violence and killings,
blood-soaked elections and disputed outcomes, sanctions and instability culminating
into a political and economic meltdown which left Zimbabwe on the brink. Despite
modest recovery since the coalition government emerged in 2009, Zimbabwe,
initially a source of optimism about Africa’s future, is now a basket case of a
country. Consequently, re-electing Mugabe on July 31 will simply be a disaster
for the country.
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